Former Nigerian Governor Ibori jailed in Britain
James Ibori €" the former Governor of the Nigerian Delta state €" has been sentenced to 13 years in prison by Southwark Crown Court. During the case of R v Ibori, the Nigerian shoplifter-turned-politician, admitted to 10 counts of conspiracy to defraud and money laundering.
Ibori admitted 50 million worth of fraud. However the total embezzlement is estimated to be around 157 million. Ibori was described as a €thief in government house€, having first come to attention when 37 million worth of assets of his were frozen in the UK in 2007.
21 years ago, Ibori's wife and he shoplifted from Wickes DIY store in North London. One year later Ibori was convicted of credit card fraud, having used a stolen card to withdraw US$1,590. Ibori moved back to Nigeria and tricked his way into public office by claiming he had no criminal convictions and giving a false date of birth. After coming to power, Ibori laundered stolen money in London through a number of offshore companies.
He conspired with others to pocket 37 million from the sale of his state's share of V Mobile to neighbouring state Akwa Ibom. On his way up, Abori allied himself with Nigerian military ruler Sani Abacha, after whose death in 1998 Ibori attached himself to northern politician Atiku Abubakar, who went on to become vice-president.
He was able to benefit from controlling huge sums of money gifted to Nigerian Governors for public benefit, but over which there was inadequate oversight. He benefitted from the immunity from prosecution granted to Nigerians in his position.
For Ibori, his crimes were hidden by rich contacts in both Nigeria and Britain. According to the BBC, Ibori had been flying between Lagos and London, bringing vast amounts of cash into the UK. Corrupt politicians like Ibori stole money in Nigeria, while contacts in Western cities such as London and New York would bury the traces.
For Ibori that contact was corrupt London-based Indian solicitor, Bhadresh Gohil. Gohil was himself sentenced to 7 years in prison. When police raided his office in London's Mayfair district, they found plans to hide Ibori's ill-gotten cash.
In 2007 Ibori was acquitted by a court in Delta, after which anti-corruption boss Nuhu Ribadu narrowly escaped death from gun-shots fired by Ibori's henchmen seeking revenge. At his peak, Ibori was transacting millions of cash into London with a credit card bill of 180,000 a month.
Governors in almost half of Nigeria's 36 states have faced similar corruption charges. Most have been acquitted. Sadly it is only when men like Ibori are put on trial outside of Nigeria that they can face imprisonment. Justice, like much else, can be compromised.
Nigeria's Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (which is bankrolled by London) had tried to prosecute Ibori once he stepped down. However the EFCC's efforts to go after Ibori were hampered by political interference, institutional weakness and judicial inefficiency. The EFCC had to ask the Metropolitan Police to look into the matter.
The real problem for Nigeria and, indeed much of the developing world, is this Ibori's is not an isolated incident. Back in 2005, the UK attempted to bring Diepreye Alamieyeseigha to trial. Alamieyeseigha was another oil state governor suspected of money laundering who later jumped bail and escaped to Nigeria dressed as a woman.
It was only when the EFCC and London's Department for International Development joined forces, that Ibori €" the man who stole untold fortunes from the Nigerian people €" was caught. The Global Financial Integrity Initiative reported that Nigeria had US$130 billion worth of illicit outflows between 2000 and 2008.
Oil has allowed the Nigerian state to function as an economic actor through its ownership of parastatal companies. The people of Ibori's Delta state should enjoy the benefits of the state's vast oil wealth. Instead most of them live in abject poverty.
Ibori spent money on mansions and expensive cars while the citizens he was supposed to care for, had little or no access to education, healthcare or electricity. How could a man like James Ibori get as far as he did and why did it take British authorities to bring the former Governor to trial?
Ibori admitted 50 million worth of fraud. However the total embezzlement is estimated to be around 157 million. Ibori was described as a €thief in government house€, having first come to attention when 37 million worth of assets of his were frozen in the UK in 2007.
21 years ago, Ibori's wife and he shoplifted from Wickes DIY store in North London. One year later Ibori was convicted of credit card fraud, having used a stolen card to withdraw US$1,590. Ibori moved back to Nigeria and tricked his way into public office by claiming he had no criminal convictions and giving a false date of birth. After coming to power, Ibori laundered stolen money in London through a number of offshore companies.
He conspired with others to pocket 37 million from the sale of his state's share of V Mobile to neighbouring state Akwa Ibom. On his way up, Abori allied himself with Nigerian military ruler Sani Abacha, after whose death in 1998 Ibori attached himself to northern politician Atiku Abubakar, who went on to become vice-president.
He was able to benefit from controlling huge sums of money gifted to Nigerian Governors for public benefit, but over which there was inadequate oversight. He benefitted from the immunity from prosecution granted to Nigerians in his position.
For Ibori, his crimes were hidden by rich contacts in both Nigeria and Britain. According to the BBC, Ibori had been flying between Lagos and London, bringing vast amounts of cash into the UK. Corrupt politicians like Ibori stole money in Nigeria, while contacts in Western cities such as London and New York would bury the traces.
For Ibori that contact was corrupt London-based Indian solicitor, Bhadresh Gohil. Gohil was himself sentenced to 7 years in prison. When police raided his office in London's Mayfair district, they found plans to hide Ibori's ill-gotten cash.
In 2007 Ibori was acquitted by a court in Delta, after which anti-corruption boss Nuhu Ribadu narrowly escaped death from gun-shots fired by Ibori's henchmen seeking revenge. At his peak, Ibori was transacting millions of cash into London with a credit card bill of 180,000 a month.
Governors in almost half of Nigeria's 36 states have faced similar corruption charges. Most have been acquitted. Sadly it is only when men like Ibori are put on trial outside of Nigeria that they can face imprisonment. Justice, like much else, can be compromised.
Nigeria's Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (which is bankrolled by London) had tried to prosecute Ibori once he stepped down. However the EFCC's efforts to go after Ibori were hampered by political interference, institutional weakness and judicial inefficiency. The EFCC had to ask the Metropolitan Police to look into the matter.
The real problem for Nigeria and, indeed much of the developing world, is this Ibori's is not an isolated incident. Back in 2005, the UK attempted to bring Diepreye Alamieyeseigha to trial. Alamieyeseigha was another oil state governor suspected of money laundering who later jumped bail and escaped to Nigeria dressed as a woman.
It was only when the EFCC and London's Department for International Development joined forces, that Ibori €" the man who stole untold fortunes from the Nigerian people €" was caught. The Global Financial Integrity Initiative reported that Nigeria had US$130 billion worth of illicit outflows between 2000 and 2008.
Oil has allowed the Nigerian state to function as an economic actor through its ownership of parastatal companies. The people of Ibori's Delta state should enjoy the benefits of the state's vast oil wealth. Instead most of them live in abject poverty.
Ibori spent money on mansions and expensive cars while the citizens he was supposed to care for, had little or no access to education, healthcare or electricity. How could a man like James Ibori get as far as he did and why did it take British authorities to bring the former Governor to trial?
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